April 23, 2019
No People Deserve a State Less Than Palestinian Arabs
Dear Friend of FLAME:
With President Trump’s peace plan due to be announced in June, there is the unnerving possibility that Palestinian Arabs may take a giant step toward statehood. Such a move would inevitably lead to warfare and bloodletting in the Middle East.
In the absence of a clear path to statehood—which the Trump plan is unlikely to provide—Palestinian Arabs would likely respond in the only way they have known: terror and violence. Yet that violence—which Israel has contained for decades—would pale in comparison to the long-term explosions that would follow statehood (or even its approximation).
Often overlooked, though, is the more profound reality that the Palestinian Arabs have no basis for achieving statehood.
Indeed, when it comes to peoples around the world seeking their own countries, Palestinian aspirations are the most unworthy.
Among the many peoples in the past century seeking national self-determination, we find such groups as the Kurds in Turkey, Syria and Iraq; the Uighurs and others in China; Armenians in Turkey and Kazakhstan; Catalonians in Spain; Bangladeshis in Pakistan; Slovakians in Czechoslovakia; the Quebecoise in Canada; and many others. Palestinian Arabs are seemingly just another people seeking what so many others have sought: independence and a nation-state.
Yet even this designation is problematic since Palestinian Arabs are in no way comparable to these other state-seeking peoples. Comparing their “legitimate national aspirations” to any others is false in every sense—their desire is neither “legitimate,” truly “nationalist,” or even actually “aspirational.”
To begin, consider the legitimacy of their cause from both historical and moral-imperative viewpoints.
Each of the peoples mentioned above—and all others that could be named—base their claims on an ancient ethnic identity and on the restoration of their historical sovereignty as separate political entities. They also point to such unifying and distinguishing factors like a distinctive national language, a distinctive trove of national literature, music and other cultural elements that stretches back centuries; a religious heritage often divergent from their “host” country; cities and farms that their ancestors built. Most of them can also point to a history of oppression and/or colonialism from which they demand freedom.
Perhaps most characteristically, they have sought national emancipation from their current hosts—not the utter destruction of their hosts.
None of these characteristics of legitimate national liberation movements is evident in the struggles of the Palestinian Arabs. Their two political leaderships—the Palestinian Authority in Judea and Samaria, and Hamas in Gaza—are both pledged to Israel’s annihilation.
Whereas other legitimate national movements can point to heroic leaders of the past—emperors, kings, presidents—Palestinian Arabs can not go much further back than Yasser Arafat, a murderous terror-boss who never ruled anything more than a gang of killers. Arafat wasn’t even a native Palestinian Arab: He was born Egyptian and was elevated to his lofty status in 1964 by President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt.
Although Arafat’s terrorist cabal was called the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), its goal was not to liberate “Palestine from the river to the sea.” When the PLO was founded—three years before the Six-Day War—what we now call “the territories” were part of the Kingdom of Jordan, and Gaza was part of Egypt. Arafat and the PLO had no desire to liberate these parts of “Palestine from the river to the sea.” The only goal was to eradicate the Zionist entity known as Israel.
It was only after his foolhardy foreign patrons in Cairo and Amman attempted to do just that militarily in 1967—with surprisingly disastrous results—that Arafat and his PLO discovered that its beloved homeland suddenly extended “from the river to the sea.” Why? Because Israel now controlled all the land “from the river to the sea.”
Which brings us to the moral dimension of the Palestinian aspirations. From its very beginnings, the Palestinian Arab movement has unceasingly relied on terrorism. One can start with the 1929 Hebron massacre of Jews and proceed to recent murders of Jewish families—pausing in revulsion at the carnage of two intifadas, the murderous attacks on school buses in Afula and elsewhere, the Munich Olympics massacre, and rocket and fire-kite attacks from Gaza. One can only conclude that this is a people unified by little more than genocidal anti-Semitism.
Its budgets and manpower, which could be devoted to developing its economy, institutions and infrastructure, are allocated to prioritize killing Jews. Schoolbooks are filled with bloody invocations to achieve life’s highest purpose through racially motivated martyrdom. Summer camps teach terror tactics and skills. Town squares, schools and parks are routinely named after suicide bombers with a significant Jewish body-count.
A major component of PA and Hamas budgets funds the “Pay for Slay” program which awards large monthly rewards, with the size of the stipends-for-life tied, again, to the Jewish body-count. Families of dead terrorists are similarly rewarded. So committed is the Palestinian leadership to the “Pay for Slay” program that they refuse hundred of millions of dollars in aid if it requires them to stop this atrocity of a policy.
There is simply no legitimacy to the aspirations of a people that supports policies of murder and ethnic cleansing—and yet repeatedly, polls indicate that over 80% of the Palestinian Arabs are enthusiastic backers.
The turn-of-phrase “Peace-loving Palestinian people” ought to cause cynical guffaws—or waves of nausea—on the part of all people of good-will.
Since World War I, numerous opportunities for statehood have been offered to them and their leaderships—including four serious offers from the State of Israel. The Palestinian Arabs have not even made counter-proposals, but, as in the Second Intifada, responded with horrible waves of terrorist violence. No other people has repeatedly refused the fulfillment of its alleged aspirations for nationhood—except the Palestinian Arabs.
Their entire brief history shows that their primary aspiration is the destruction of Israel and the genocide of its Jewish citizens. In the event they are successful in this horrific pursuit, getting a state of their own would just be a residual bonus. In fact, there is little to indicate that Palestinian Arabs wouldn’t gladly welcome annexation by neighboring Arab states: they certainly didn’t object to that state of affairs between 1948 and June, 1967, under Jordanian and Egyptian rule.
President Trump has been steadfast in his support for Israel, and has eliminated most aid to the Palestinian Arabs because of their inhuman actions.
But if his forthcoming peace plan includes a roadmap to Palestinian Arab sovereignty, Jews, Christians—and Muslims—must unite to educate and protest this death-inviting strategy. The fate of the Middle East and the continued existence of Israel depend on our efforts.
In talking with friends, family and colleagues, I urge you to clarify the dangers and unworthiness of Palestinian statehood schemes. Dispute any suggestion that there deserves to be a Palestinian state, or even a Palestine with more autonomy than it currently enjoys. This is an issue of morality as well as practicality.
I hope you’ll also quickly visit FLAME’s lively new Facebook page and review the P.S. immediately below. It describes FLAME’s most recent hasbarah campaign—on whitewashing misrepresentations made by the media and, alarmingly, by some politicians, about the insidious Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.
Editor, Facts and Logic About the Middle East (FLAME)
While the Combating BDS Act overwhelmingly passed the Senate (by a vote of 77-23) in February, some media and politicians, as well as the ACLU, opposed the bill based on its alleged infringement on free speech. Yet this representation is a lie, since BDS does not merely criticize Israel’s policies toward Palestinians, but rather opposes Israel’s very existence. This is not a free speech issue, but a thinly veiled hate speech issue. That’s why FLAME has created a new hasbarah message called “What Does BDS Really Want?” I hope you’ll review this hard-hitting paid editorial, which began running this month. It exposes the true motives of BDS supporters and explains why they are anti-Semitic at heart. It will also be sent to all members of Congress, Vice President Pence and President Trump. If you agree that this kind of public relations effort on Israel’s behalf is critical, I urge you to support us. Remember: FLAME’s powerful ability to influence public opinion—and U.S. support of Israel—comes from individuals like you, one by one. I hope you’ll consider giving a donation now, as you’re able—with $500, $250, $100, or even $18. (Remember, your donation to FLAME is tax deductible.) To donate online, just go to donate now. Now, more than ever, we need your support to ensure that the American people, the U.S. Congress and President Trump stay focused on Israel’s critical role in protecting U.S. interests in the region—as well as protecting itself.
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