Last week, President Donald Trump’s special envoy, Steve Witkoff, confused some Middle East watchers as he slammed Israel for “prolonging” the Gaza war. In a meeting with hostages’ families, he reportedly said the U.S. “wants to return the hostages, but Israel is not ready to end the war . . .”

While the U.S. has consistently encouraged Israel in its fight to defeat Hamas, Witkoff’s comment seemed off-key, even off-putting to some Israeli politicians. Did Witkoff mean to signal “daylight” between the allies, or was this merely a tactic in his backroom negotiations with Hamas?

Many supporters of Israel were buoyed when Trump took office, as he immediately lifted Biden-era restrictions on Israel’s war in Gaza and called for Israel to resoundingly defeat and disarm Hamas. Trump also stated forcefully that Iran will never have nuclear weapons and that the U.S. would take all necessary steps to stop Houthi attacks on global shipping. But recently, Trump has taken actions some Israeli leaders and supporters of Israel found dismaying

Indeed, Trump seemed to snub Israel by leaving it out of recent negotiations with Hamas and Iran, making a unilateral deal that the Houthis would stop attacking commercial ships—with no mention of ceasing attacks on Israel—and choosing not to visit Israel on last week’s high-profile Middle East trip.

Clearly, Israel has tough decisions ahead: How can it maintain trust with the U.S.— its strongest ally—while suffering the stings of seemingly insulting diplomatic treatment by Mr. Trump? How can it prosecute the Gaza war so Hamas is defeated thoroughly, while the U.S. negotiates a deal that may leave Hamas alive to fight another day? How, if the U.S. allows Iran to freeze (but not dismantle) its nuclear weapons industry, can Israel fulfill its proclaimed mission to destroy Iran’s nuclear capability? How should Israel respond if the Houthis stop attacking Western shipping, but continue attacking the Jewish state?

If Israel’s past diplomatic strategy is any indicator, the answer is to continue treating the U.S. as a strong friend—cultivating the relationship assiduously. In addition, Israel will, while wisely honoring Mr. Trump for his prodigious support, firmly and confidently exercise its right as a sovereign country to act in its own best interests.

When the Biden administration swung wildly from support of Israel to cutting off military supplies and vetoing Israel’s military campaigns, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had to navigate similar uncertain currents. Likewise, Israel cannot expect Donald Trump, of all people, to behave predictably or even “consistently.” Fortunately, Netanyahu has proven skills for handling diplomatic vicissitudes, such as those of this administration—particularly given the surpassing benefits Trump has delivered to Israel.

In short, Israel’s smartest course will be to express gratitude and humble respect for the U.S., but also stand tall and make independent decisions about its own existential interests—despite the risk they may annoy the volatile Mr. Trump (as they often did Team Biden).

Trump has confounded Israel on several fronts. Though the President has repeatedly threatened military action against Iran’s nuclear program, the New York Times revealed that he prevented Israel from striking it. Trump denied this, saying, “I didn’t stop them (Israel). But I didn’t make it comfortable for them, because I think we can make a deal without the attack.” Trump also conducted direct ceasefire talks with Hamas and the Houthis without Israeli involvement.

While some pundits and politicians saw these actions as betrayals of Israel, they are rather unsurprising examples of rough-and-tumble global politics from a free-wheeling, unpredictable U.S. President. Furthermore, as the leader of the world’s most powerful country, Trump has every right to negotiate U.S. interests at will. It’s not America’s job, for example, to stop the Houthis from attacking Israel.

Israel and Trump agree on Gaza. Trump worries that Israel’s continued military activity in Gaza is undermining his post-war plans, while Israel is concerned that Trump will cut a deal with Hamas that won’t disarm them, allowing a return to pre-October 7^th conditions, in which Hamas remains a heavily-armed, violent force on Israel’s border.

But so far, Trump shows no indication he has abandoned the goals he shares with Israel—liberation of all remaining hostages, removal of Hamas from power and demilitarization of Gaza. He apparently believes these goals can be achieved diplomatically. If diplomacy fails, Israel has promised to launch an offensive to take control of Gaza and definitively defeat Hamas.

Israel and Trump agree: No nuclear weapons for Iran. Upon taking office, Trump implemented his “maximum pressure” policy—sanctions designed to cripple Iran sufficiently that its economy and its regime could collapse. Even as he negotiates with the mullahs, he continues implementing new sanctions to further constrict Iran. Last week, for example, Trump imposed sanctions on individuals and entities the U.S. Treasury Department said were helping Iran with its ballistic missile program.

If, however, Trump does reach a deal with the Iranians that fails to prevent them from obtaining nuclear weapons, Israel seems prepared to act alone. Indeed, Prime Minister Netanyahu has asserted, “One way or the other, Iran will not have nuclear weapons.”

Israel can defend itself against the Houthis. President Trump made the deal with the Houthis by which they agreed to halt their attacks on international shipping, because it was in America’s interests to do so, not to spite Israel. Trump knows that Israel is perfectly capable of defending itself—thanks in part to American arms he helped supply. Moreover, the President has given no indication that he will oppose whatever actions Israel takes to defend itself against the Houthis.

Israel has no greater friend than America, and America has no greater friend than Israel. Nevertheless, Israel and the U.S. are sovereign countries. Thus, Trump has the right to put “America first,” while Israel has the right to prioritize its own interests. That disagreements may arise between the two countries doesn’t foreclose continued mutual respect and support. Even best of friends can disagree and still cooperate.

Please make the point when speaking with family, friends, colleagues—or in letters to the editor—that Israel can maintain its alliance with the U.S., while still protecting its own interests. Certainly, Israel should express appropriate appreciation for America’s (and Mr. Trump’s) support, but should be prepared—and expected—to act alone, even if doing so occasionally miffs Washington.

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Best regards,
Jason Shvili, Contributing Editor
Facts and Logic About the Middle East (FLAME)

P.S.      I’m sure you’d agree: If your enemy says they want to kill you and take your land, you’d be smart to believe them. If you try to make peace, but they refuse all your offers and continue to make murderous threats, it’s time to eliminate this enemy. Israel has faced exactly this danger with the Palestinians—yet continued to hope for peace . . . until Hamas’s October 7 massacre and kidnappings. Finally, Israel and many lovers of Israel are facing reality. They’ve concluded their futile dreams of peace must end. They must finally defeat their Palestinian enemies—starting with Hamas and other jihadi terrorists. I hope you’ll agree that we supporters of the Israel-U.S. relationship need to speak out. FLAME’s new hasbarah—explanatory message—“End of the Palestinian Lie”—describes how Israel and the West have for 77 years bought the myth that the Palestinians want peace. It details the many offers of land for peace Israel, the U.N. and the U.S. have made to give Palestinians their own state—all refused. Finally, it explains why Israel must adopt a bold new strategy—disarming, disabling and defeating Hamas and all other terror groups that attack Israeli civilians. Please review this convincing, fact-based editorial, which FLAME intends to publish to millions—in leading social media, as well as in the Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, New York Post, Chicago Tribune, Tampa Bay Times, Denver Post and Los Angeles Times. This piece will also be sent to all members of Congress, the President and Vice President. If you agree that this kind of public relations effort on Israel’s behalf is critical, I urge you to support us with a donation.

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